Twenty Years On, Still Waiting For The ANC To Deliver

Zuma Reiterates ANC Policy On Black Empowerment
Jacob Zuma has done a lot for himself but not much for poor South Africans

AFRICANGLOBE – In 1994, the ANC won with an overwhelming majority. Even though it ruled the country as part of a government of national unity — alongside the National Party — the ANC was the majority party. It was therefore in charge of the economy. But of course it had inherited an imperfect society. Under apartheid 73 percent of land was in so-called “White areas” and many Africans had been forcibly uprooted and removed to tribal areas.

With next month’s elections fast approaching, this has not changed a lot, because the government has been handling the matter with utter sensitivity, in a climate where the white world is looking on with concern as it considers how the government of Zimbabwe handled the question of land redistribution. The South African constitution lays an emphasis on property rights, with a willing buyer/ willing seller formula.

But this, and other related economic and infrastructure issues are causing impatience among South Africans and concern among White settler farmers that South Africa may go down the route of Zimbabwe.

The issue of land and other economic disempowering issues already figure highly in current electioneering, and debates on what 20 years of the post-apartheid era has achieved or failed to, are in overdrive, increasingly igniting public protests reminiscent of those during the days of apartheid’s political and economic disenchantment.

Blame for the current wave of what is being termed “service delivery protests”, is unsurprisingly, being attributed to the ruling party. Indeed, since the end of the Government of National Unity (with the minority White-rule National Party leaving in 1996), the ANC has been on its own. In 1999 it increased its majority, putting the party within one seat of the two-thirds majority that would allow it to alter the country’s constitution.

Ten years later, with (former president) Thabo Mbeki, who had succeeded Mandela, out of the way, the ANC majority was reduced to below the two-thirds level. It achieved 65.9 percent of the vote, with the opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) winning the province of the Western Cape and increasing its overall share of the vote to 16.7 percent. COPE (Congress of the People), a breakaway from the ANC founded by some of its staunch stalwarts, Mosiuoa Lekota, Mbhazima Shilowa and Mluleki George, attained 7.4 percent. Jacob Zuma was sworn in as president on May 9, 2009.

With Zuma at the helm, the ANC has hurtled from scandal to scandal, and in the process has increasingly lost the public’s goodwill. Nearly 75 percent of South Africans aged 20-29 did not vote in the 2011 local government elections. Studies have shown further that South Africans in that age group are more likely to take part in violent street protests against the ANC, than vote for the ruling party.

South Africa is a young country. About 40 percent of its population was born after 1994. Nearly two million ‘born frees’ (as those born after the anti-apartheid struggle are commonly referred to) can vote in the forthcoming elections. This is a relatively small percentage of the 23-million-strong electorate. However, the “born frees” will make up about a third of voters in the 2019 presidential election, according to census and election data.

In the meantime, apart from the DA and COPE which contested the last elections, there are now two new parties — the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) headed by Julius Malema, who the former ANC Youth League president, and Agang SA, formed by academic and businesswoman Dr Mamphela Ramphele.

Of the two new players, the EFF has a more popular profile, appealing as it does to the youth, and espousing some radical utterances about things that stir public sentiment: economic redistribution and land restitution. With the DA, COPE, the EFF and other smaller parties all chipping away at the ANC behemoth, the ruling party faces its toughest election yet. However, although it is a fact that many South Africans, more so the youth, are disaffected with the ANC, consensus abounds that the electorate is not confident enough to throw their voting might behind the other parties.

Therefore, come May, the ANC could still win the election.

However, it is not going to be an easy ride, with some political observers saying the question of a divided vote will, for the first time in the history of South African elections, be one of the major deciding factors in how the country moves forward after May, and it may have extra impact in the absence of the country’s unifying figure, Nelson Mandela.

Tensions Are Mounting

Twenty Years On, Still Waiting For The ANC To Deliver
Young South Africans are backing the Economic Freedom Fighters

There is even more cause for concern following a recent surge in violent street protests, and the return of the anti-apartheid mantra “Burn, Burn, Burn”, which was popularly used as a rallying call for destroying any symbols of that ignoble White supremacist regime — including police stations, schools and other tangible segregation edifices — by turning them to ashes using Molotov cocktails and car tyres. The fire can be both literal and symbolic: you see it on the streets, and you hear it in the speeches of youngsters burning with the zeal for change.

But to suggest that public protests are new would be an exaggeration. Protest has been at the percussively throbbing heart of South African life since the mid-1970s; there are peaks and ebbs in this social tide. The phenomenon of these “service delivery protests” in South Africa — where citizens take to the street to demand basic necessities such as housing, land, water and sanitation services — has seen the number of protests averaging 32 a day across the country since 2009. This is huge, even by South African standards.

These protests have degenerated into serious violence. In September 2013 the police reported that they had “made more than 14,000 arrests at protests in the past four years”.

Co-operative Governance Minister Lechesa Tsenoli reported that: “One of the reasons the protests are hotting up, so to speak, is because of the (election) period we are in.” He hopes the protests will die down after the elections because more leaders are interacting with community members on a more regular basis, to address issues that are central to the protests. But also central to the protests is the reality that, while there is still a dire need for services, especially in townships and rural villages, there is a corresponding upsurge in the number of reported cases of government graft.

Julius Malema’s EFF appear to be taking full advantage of the service delivery protests. Just last February, EFF cadres were captured on camera ferrying car tyres to venues where service delivery protests were taking place, and where they were then symbolically burnt in the protests that later escalated into violent clashes. The EFF has also been at the forefront of denouncing the ANC’s top brass, accusing them of conspicuous consumption at the expense of the poor.

In the past, one of the most popular songs of protest was Dubula Ibhunu (Shoot the Afrikaner/Boer), a reference to the Boers or Afrikaners who were then in charge of government. Now one of the new songs is Amabhunu amnyama asenzela i-worry (Black Boers Cause Us Worries). To the youngsters who are not beholden to the revolutionary history of the ANC of old, the revolutionary honeymoon is over. They want delivery now. Or else as they keep singing on the streets, it’s going to be: Burn, Burn, Burn!

Will the next government after next month’s elections, be able to quash that?


By: Fred Khumalo